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Havers, R.P.W. Battle Zone Normandy: Battle for Cherbourg. Stroud, UK: Sutton Publishing Ltd, 2004
ISBN 0-7509-3006-3 Rawson, Andrew. Battleground Europe: Normandy: Cherbourg. Barnsley, UK: Pen and Sword Books Ltd, 2004
ISBN 1-84414-083-6
The Battle Zone Normandy series from Sutton and the Battleground Europe series from Pen and Sword both continue to expand. As the titles indicate, the Sutton series is more narrowly focused while the Pen and Sword series transcends Normandy (and even extends to conflicts beyond the Second World War). Nevertheless, there's quite a bit of overlap between the two, and over the past few months each series released a volume on the campaign in the Cotentin peninsula of Normandy and the capture of the city of Cherbourg: Battle for Cherbourg by R.P.W. Havers from Sutton and Cherbourg by Andrew Rawson from Pen and Sword.
This plan did not go smoothly. 12th Infantry Regiment made little progress against German defenders in the area of the Bois du Coudray, advancing only a few hundred metres at the very start of the US offensive. Lieutenant Colonel (Lt Col) Thaddeus R. Dulin, commanding 3rd Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, was killed by a German sniper while leading his men in a bayonet charge up a steep incline in an attempt to secure the defensive benefits of higher ground. Only after this loss was some form of order imposed by the surviving American commanders. Even then, the battalion was isolated from the rest of the regiment and only heavily escorted patrols, with tanks, were able to replenish it. Command of the battalion devolved onto the executive officer, Major Kenneth R. Lindner at this point. Here's how Rawson describes the same action:
12th Regiment's advance had been brought to a sudden halt on 21 June by a series of strongpoints covering the Saire stream on the western edge of Bois du Coudray. At first light Colonel Luckett ordered his 3rd Battalion to find a crossing suitable for tanks so that they could outflank the German position. Heading north, Lieutenant-Colonel Dulin's first attempt to cross the stream failed in the face of heavy machine gun fire. At a second crossing two companies waded through the stream and charged up the far bank to find twenty German soldiers, many of them Labour Corps personnel, with their hands up. Although 3rd Battalion had established a footing on the far side of the stream, the Shermans were unable to cross; Dulin's men would have to go on alone. They had only advanced a short distance when a hidden strongpoint opened fire, splitting the battalion in half. Two companies were pinned down close to the German position and unable to manoeuvre around its flanks, while the rest of the battalion was lost in the hedgerows. By the time 3rd Battalion had grouped, it was growing dark leaving Dulin no option but to withdraw to safe distance and regroup. The GIs received a shock when they discovered that German troops had already occupied a hill to their rear, cutting the battalion off from the rest of the Regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Dulin gathered his men together to drive the enemy back, advancing up the slope in the darkness; Dulin was killed leading the final bayonet charge. Captain Linder rallied the battalion, driving the Germans from the hill. Tired, hungry and surrounded, 3rd Battalion's survivors dug in and waited for daylight; for a second time 12th Regiment had failed to shake itself free from Bois du Coudray. For further comparison, here's what Roland Ruppenthal wrote in 1947 about the same action. (More about Ruppenthal in a minute.)
The regimental plan on 22 June called for the 3d Battalion to attack north, circling around to the rear of the enemy opposing the 2d Battalion. The 3d Battalion moved up to the northern edge of the wood during the morning. The Germans, observing the movement, opened fire from the slopes above the creek and heavily shelled the draw formed by a small tributary of the river. The 3d Battalion replied with artillery and overhead heavy machine-gun fire. The axis of attack was shifted slightly to the right to avoid the interdicted draw. Companies I and L led out abreast at 1430, crossing the stream and proceeding up the opposite bank. With the first determined charge, the enemy broke and fled. About twenty were captured. Here the 12th Infantry identified some of the first miscellaneous units thrown into line by the Germans, such as labor service troops, which were found scattered throughout the Cherbourg area.
As can be seen by those passages, it's easy for different authors to bring different perspectives to the same events and produce accounts that emphasize different aspects of what happened. That's also true about what Havers and Rawson put in and what they leave out. Havers, for example, quotes the order from Hitler to von Schlieben to hold Cherbourg to the last man, while Rawson quotes von Schlieben's last radio transmission to Seventh Army headquarters.
In fact some of the forts in the inner and outer harbour continued to resist, in name at least. The harbour commander, a naval officer Fregattenkapitan (Commander, Senior Grade) Hans Witt, did not surrender, instead he ordered the wall along the docks to be sealed off and together with eight officers and 30 men crossed to the Fort de l'Ouest in a yacht and two small rowing boats. Once in Fort de l'Ouest he contacted his superiors at Naval Group West and informed them that he was ready to detonate the extensive minefields blocking the entrance to the western harbour. Witt's 'heroic' story was broadcast on German radio - and intercepted by the Americans who shelled the fort. Eventually, after three days, the fire control mechanism for the mines was destroyed and Witt surrendered. Compare that to what Rawson wrote about the surrender of Fort l'Ouest:
Warships closed in ready to shell the seawall and while Major Johnson's men prepared to cross the harbour for a second time, General Collins arranged an attack by fighter-bombers timed to begin at 11:00 am. As zero hour approached soldiers began to emerge from Fort l'Ouest waving a white flag. It was too late to cancel the air strikes and as soon as planes appeared the Germans hurried inside. It looked as though an opportunity had been missed but as the dust settled, white flags appeared on the roof of Fort l'Est. An hour later Fort l'Ouest followed, bringing the battle for the seawall to an end.
While Rawson pens considerably more words in his chapters on maneuver and combat, Havers writes much more about touring the battlefield, matching up at 13 pages versus 60 pages. That's very much in keeping with the nature of all the Battleground Europe and Battle Zone Normandy books: the latter series emphasizes battlefield tours considerably more than the former. It should also be noted that Havers' touring section often reiterates and expands some of the information presented in the chapters on operations.
As the infantry reports on the enemy fortifications protecting Cherbourg continued to flood in, General Collins was preparing a coordinated air and ground assault for the afternoon of 22 June. Although the availability and timing of the air strikes depended very much on the weather, planning still went ahead. In the meantime. General Collins explored the possibility of negotiating surrender terms and teams armed with loudspeakers broadcast messages in German, French, Polish and Russian throughout the night. Second, Havers:
On the night of 21 June came the first act in the taking of Cherbourg. Maj Gen Collins sent a message to GenLt von Schlieben, the commander of the German ground forces. Collins candidly pointed out the position that von Schlieben was isolated from the rest of the German forces and surrounded by the Americans. Collins demanded that the German forces in and around Cherbourg surrender, with his ultimatum expiring at 0900 hours on 22 June. This message was also broadcast to the defenders and, in a reflection of the heterogeneous composition of the 'German' forces, was transmitted in Polish, French and Russian as well as German. Finally, Ruppenthal from 1947:
On the night of 21 June General Collins sent an ultimatum by radio and messenger to the commander of the German ground forces, General von Schlieben. Pointing out that Cherbourg was isolated and the German position hopeless, he asked for the surrender of the port. The message was broadcast in Polish, Russian, and French, as well as in German, to the members of the enemy garrison. The ultimatum was to expire at 0900 on 22 June.
Leaving Ruppenthal out of the equation, how do the new books on Cherbourg from Rawson and Havers stack up against each other? Havers gets the edge on visual appearance, maps, OBs, and captions for photos. Havers also decisively wins the competition for best information about touring the battlefield. However, Rawson clearly provides more text and greater detail about almost every aspect of the campaign. Prospective buyers who thumb through both volumes in a bookstore will probably lean toward Havers because his book is hardcover, more visually pleasing, and contains a competent account of the battle. Anyone interested in greater depth and detail, however, will probably lean toward the Rawson book because it significantly outweighs Havers in terms of text covering the actual operations.
Reviewed 7 November 2004
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